In the national history of Bangladesh, November 7 stands indisputably as a monumental chapter. On this day in 1975, a combined uprising of soldiers and citizens neutralized a conspiracy that threatened the nation’s independence and sovereignty. Bangladesh was rescued from the aggression of expansionist and imperialist forces. 

Shoulder to shoulder, the soldiers and the public freed then-Army Chief and Proclamator of Independence, Major General Ziaur Rahman, from captivity in the Dhaka Cantonment. Every year, the nation observes November 7 as "National Revolution and Solidarity Day" to commemorate this historic uprising of 1975. Amidst the backdrop of the November 7 revolution, the visionary leader of an independent Bangladesh, the oppressed people's leader, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, stood as a towering political figure whose role demands profound discussion. Although he did not participate directly in the events of that specific day in the way Ziaur Rahman did, the political stance and lifelong struggles through which he established his principles deeply influenced the spirit of November 7. Maulana Bhasani consistently prioritized national interests far above personal gains. When viewed in alignment with national interests, Bhasani’s ideology is inextricably intertwined with the spirit of November 7. Political analysts believe that Maulana Bhasani’s ideals subsequently influenced the political trajectory of Ziaur Rahman.

Following a grueling nine-month bloody war of liberation, an independent and sovereign Bangladesh was established on the map of the world on December 16, 1971, bought with the blood of millions of martyrs and the honor of mothers and sisters, securing the red-and-green flag. Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned home on January 10, 1972, and 12 days later, on January 22, the visionary leader of an independent Bangladesh, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, returned to his homeland. Although the universal expectation of the entire nation post-independence was a national government, a partisan Awami League government was established instead. From its inception, a series of missteps by the government triggered chaotic conditions nationwide, inviting sharp criticism of the administration. Consequently, the relationship between the government and its critics deteriorated into bitterness. Critics were transformed into enemies of the ruling party and branded as traitors.

Although the contemporary government included honest and dedicated individuals such as Abu Sayed Chowdhury and General M. A. G. Osmani, the patronage of a certain faction within the leadership allowed anti-social and anti-state activities to proliferate immediately after independence—activities that deeply distressed and perturbed any conscientious observer. In this context, Maulana Bhasani began issuing stern critiques of the government. Meanwhile, the ruling administration formulated the constitution of the independent state without feeling any necessity to consult other political parties, thereby generating widespread resentment among all factions. Even those who had been loyal supporters of the government expressed their indignation.

On October 29, 1972, top leaders of the pro-government NAP (Muzaffar)—such as Pir Habibur Rahman, Pankaj Bhattacharya, Matia Chowdhury, Abdul Halim, and Suranjit Sengupta—issued a manifesto stating: “...It is a matter of deep regret and sorrow that in formulating such a sacred document of the nation as the constitution, the ruling party has exhibited extreme partisan and narrow-mindedness. They cared little to respect public opinion, gauge public sentiment, or consult the patriotic political parties that participated in the liberation struggle.” On that very day, at a Paltan Ground rally, NAP (Muzaffar) roared: “The Prime Minister's irrational powers must be curtailed, and the assembly must be made sovereign.”

Immediately following the promulgation of the constitution on December 16, 1972, the government dissolved the Constituent Assembly elected in 1970 and announced general elections for March 7, 1973. Alongside the Awami League contesting all 300 seats, NAP-Bhasani contested 170 seats, NAP-Muzaffar 224, the newly formed JSD 237, Bangladesh National League (Ataur Rahman Khan), Bangla National League (Oli Ahad), Shramik Krishak Samajbadi Party, Bangla Communist Party, and the Communist Party of Bangladesh contested 4 seats. Terrified by the widespread popularity of opposition parties and Maulana Bhasani’s anti-government rhetoric, the ruling party moved preemptively. On the day of nomination submission, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (2 seats), Sohrab Hossain, Tofail Ahmed, Motahar Uddin, and K. M. Obidur Rahman were declared elected unopposed. By the final date for withdrawal of candidacies, Syed Nazrul Islam, A. H. M. Kamruzzaman, Monoranjan Dhar, Zillur Rahman, and Rafiquzzaman Bhuiyan were also found elected unopposed. Like leaders of all parties, Maulana Bhasani fiercely criticized these maneuvers. This trend of uncontested victories was also severely panned by Indian newspapers. Following the death of one candidate, elections were held in 299 seats, resulting in the Awami League sweeping nearly all seats bar seven through massive vote rigging.

When the opposition parties leveled allegations of rigging, the Prime Minister stated in a press conference, "There is no opposition party in Bangladesh." On March 8, NAP-Bhasani Senior Vice President Dr. Alim Al Razee declared in a press conference that the election was neither free nor fair, having been conducted amidst terror and intimidation. Professor Muzaffar Ahmed and Pankaj Bhattacharya issued a statement noting that at least 70 seats had a high probability of opposition victory, labeling the election a "farce." The National Parliament was established entirely devoid of an opposition, effectively establishing single-party Awami League rule nationwide, leading to severe instability in society and the state. Law and order began to deteriorate rapidly in industrial areas. Blinded by the lust for power and seeking to subjugate the opposition, the ruling party established the "Lal Bahini" and "Rakkhi Bahini." Opposition parties intensified their scathing criticisms of the government's misdeeds.

On May 15, starting at 8:00 AM at the NAP office in Dhaka, the oppressed leader Maulana Bhasani commenced a hunger strike unto death demanding food, clothing, and the lowering of commodity prices by the government, an end to oppressive policies, the cessation of anarchy in trade, commerce, employment, and public life, and the restoration of security for life and property. By May 18, as Maulana Bhasani's health deteriorated, political leaders and citizens from all walks of life failed in their attempts to hospitalize him. To save Maulana Bhasani's life, all political parties expressed solidarity with Bhasani’s NAP movement, fostering a growing unity among opposition factions. Conversely, the government's repressive measures intensified. Considering the overall situation and at the fervent plea of his followers, Maulana Bhasani broke his hunger strike on May 22, its 8th day.

Thus, a profound polarization for and against the government took shape. By 1974, the dark portents of a nationwide famine loomed. Maulana Bhasani traversed the country holding rallies to relentlessly warn the government, but the administration turned a deaf ear. Consequently, thousands perished in the black clutches of famine. Compounding internal failures, the government began faltering internationally. Indian aggression commenced along the borders. Under the pretext of suppressing the opposition within the country, approximately 36,000 patriotic political leaders and activists—including the patriotic Siraj Sikder—were murdered with the direct and indirect patronage of the government. Meanwhile, Maulana Bhasani was placed under house arrest in Santosh. He remained under house arrest in Santosh from June 30, 1974, to August 15, 1975.

During Maulana Bhasani's confinement, numerous momentous events transpired in Bangladesh's political and state life. On December 28, the President issued an ordinance declaring a state of emergency across the country. On January 25, 1975, multi-party democracy was extinguished in the national parliament in a mere 11 minutes to establish single-party BAKSAL rule. In protest against this undemocratic decision by the ruling party, ruling party MP and Commander-in-Chief of the Liberation War General M. A. G. Osmani and Barrister Mainul Hossain resigned from the national parliament on that day. Conversely, National League leader Ataur Rahman Khan and a few other members joined BAKSAL. On June 23, all newspapers except four were banned.

The establishment of BAKSAL and the closure of newspapers created a suffocating atmosphere nationwide. Just six months and twenty days after the establishment of BAKSAL, in the dead of night between August 14 and 15, 1975, a few junior military officers executed a historic and brutal atrocity: the assassination of the Head of State, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with his entire family. Shortly after this brutal killing, then-Army Chief Major General K. M. Shafiullah, Air Force Chief A. K. Khandker, and Navy Chief Commodore M. H. Khan delivered separate radio broadcasts expressing their allegiance and respects to the new government led by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, a minister in Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s cabinet.